When public health schemes turn anaemic

Since 2010 when the central government discontinued the supply of medical kits containing Iron Folic Acid, vitamin A, zinc tablets and Oral Rehydration Solution packets under National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) to states, village anganwadis and health centers have turned anaemic pregnant women and adoloscent girls away.

These are essential for reducing anaemia and birth defects which affect 69.5 percent women and girls between 15 and 49 and over 70 percent of all children below five in Jharkhand – the highest levels of anaemia according to National Family Health Survey 2 and 3 done in 1999 and 2006.

“There are eight pregnant women and several adolescent girls in the village but we do not have any stocks of tablets,” says Rukmini Devi, the anganwadi sevika in Bhandara. Photo by Manob Chowdhury

“There are eight pregnant women and several adolescent girls in the village but we do not have any stocks of tablets,” says Rukmini Devi, the anganwadi sevika in Bhandara. Photo by Manob Chowdhury

Over six lakhs, or nearly 12 percent, of children below six years of age in Jharkhand suffer from severe malnutrition. Children born underweight due to anaemia among women is a significant factor. Under a central scheme, 100 IFA tablets are to be given all pregnant women and weekly IFA supplements are to be provided to all adolescent girls between 16 and 19 years of age. Recently, adolescent boys have also been included in the scheme.

“District civil surgeons were asked to procure this but some bought expensive non-generic IFA tablets and exhausted funds. A month back the tender process was completed and now those will soon be supplied to all districts,” said Dr Praveen Chandra, Director NRHM in Ranchi. In 2011, former health minister Bhanu Pratap Shahi, former health secretary Pradeep Kumar and other department officers were named as accused in a Rs 130-crore NRHM scam related to purchase of medicines. The CBI is now investigating the case.

The state Social Welfare, Women and Child Development (SWWCD) website shows a budget of Rs 2.53 crores for purchase of “medicine kits” but officials in Ranchi say this meant only for purchase of first-aid. The department launched the Rs 70 crores Jeevan Asha program last month with focus on reducing malnutrition but this too does not have a component especially for IFA tablets.

At Khunti

More than two years after she gave birth to her youngest daughter, Shanti Oraon, an adivasi farmer in Bhandara village in Khunti district has been unable to resume working in the fields. “She has breathing trouble, and could not start walking even after she turned two and a half years old. I must stay at home with her all the time,” she says of her infant daughter lying wrapped in a bedsheet on the floor. Across the road from Shanti Oraon’s house, Pooja Devi watches her one-year-old play with a plastic bangle in her mouth. “She weighed less than three kgs when she was born. She falls ill often even now,” she says.

Bhandara lies a little over 30 kms from Ranchi, the state capital, and is on the outskirts of Khunti’s district center and market. Despite good connectivity with roads and easy accessibility, Bhandara and the adjoining villages Belahatu and Chikor have not received supplies of IFA since 2009.

Shanti Oraon recounts that during her four pregnancies she received IFA tablets, each costs less than 20 paise, only before the birth of her second child more than four years ago but none before the birth of three of her children. “There are eight pregnant women and several adolescent girls in the village but we do not have any stocks of tablets to give them,” said Rukmini Devi, the anganwadi sevika in Bhandara as she prepared a meal of rice and soyabean nuggets for the seven children below six years of age who turned up for lunch that afternoon from among the 89 enrolled as per the anganwadi charts.

“Over 3/4thd of girls between 15 and 19 are not in schools so there must be focus on how to reach them. In our surveys we have found that even when pregnant women get IFA tablets there are beliefs that these tablets can make your child darker – because the iron tablets can make the stool darker. Encouraging women to take tablets will require regular counseling,” said Job Zachariah, Head UNICEF Jharkhand.

Read the full story in The Hindu here.

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Glimpses from the protests against rape in Delhi

I was in Delhi last week December. The video below is of some of the people at Jantar Mantar who so creatively took the conversation away from “hang them”, “castrate them” to ‘Kaandhe se hamaare kaandha milaaiyei‘, and ‘Hum kya chaahte azaadi, raat mein din mein kaam karne ki padhne ki azaadi‘.

Protests against rape at Jantar Mantar from Anumeha Yadav on Vimeo.

The video below is from six days prior at Raisina Hill near India Gate, when the government started using teargas against protesters(*facepalm*):

Dec 2012 Dilli protests 177 from Anumeha Yadav on Vimeo.

Thinking about Baran, December 2010

I got a chance to speak about my experience of reporting on bonded debt among Sahariya tribals in Baran in Rajasthan at May Diwas celebrations organized by Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) in Rajsamand district in May 2011. MKSS organizes a mela for May Day every year at Bhim in Rajsamand.

285 from Anumeha Yadav on Vimeo.

Roughly translates to: I had first traveled to Kishanganj and Shahbad blocks in Baran in December 2010 after listening to 16 Sahariya agriculture workers at a MKSS dharna in Jaipur for minimum wages in MNREGA. They said they had been in bonded debt since years, in some instances since two to three generations to rich landlords who were charging interests on small loans at rates between 60 to 70 percent. At the time, Rajasthan government ordered that these 16 families be freed of their bonded debt. Two weeks later, the administration handed each of them Rs 1,000 under a centrally-sponsored bonded labour rehabilitation scheme that has not been revised since 1978. But even this instance was not enough to goad the administration into acknowledging the problem. District officials continued to refer to “hali” system as a traditional agriculture practice in Baran and tried to wash their hands off the responsibility for a district-wide survey saying the agriculture workers had migrated from the neighbouring state Madhya Pradesh.

The extent of feudal exploitation in Baran is still unraveling. Since November 2010, more than 165 families have fled landlords’ farms with their families, in some instances walking over 80 kms over two nights to reach Eklera (the village where the first 16 families started work under MNREGA), to demand their bonded debt of years and decades be waived off and they be given their land occupied by the richer farmers. This summer, 40 Sahariya families in Sunda village in Kishanganj set up a community grain bank with assistance from the NGOs Jagrut Mahila Manch and Sankalp pooling the grain they receive under PDS so they do not have to depend on landlords for monthly wheat rations.
(video by my roommate and friend Hannah Pitt:)

Nagri villagers defy government to harvest paddy

Sheela Toppo argues with a policemen as he tries to stop her son Raju Toppo from carrying paddy harvest to their house in Nagri, Ranchi. Photo: Deepu Sebastian Edmond

On the morning of November 20 Nandi Kashap and Parveen Toppo woke up at five am, an hour earlier than usual. By seven, both women were in the village akhada (square) to join a group of 20 gathered there. For two days Rapid Action Force (RAF) constables stationed in their village – two companies numbering 150 – had turned them away each time they tried to harvest the paddy they planted in August. “We will have to go to each others plots and harvest this together in big groups. Let us see how they stop us,” the group concluded.

By 10 am, several women farmers in groups of 12-13 walked along the bunds on the farms to reach plots of ripe paddy and began cutting and piling the crop in heaps. Raju Toppo, a barefoot lanky man in a white t-shirt and blue shorts was the first to try carrying two bales balanced on the ends of a stick back to his house. As the Assistant Sub Inspector waiting on the side of the road tried to dissuade him, his mother Sheela Toppo ran from the paddy field, waving the sickle in her hands. “It is my crop; why do I have to ask your officers?” she argued with the policeman, and to her son, “You keep walking.”

In 2010, the Jharkhand government allotted 227 acres of land to build campuses of Indian Institute of Management (IIM) Ranchi, National University of Study & Research in Law (NUSRL) and the Indian Institute of Information Technology (IIIT) in Nagri village 15 kms from Ranchi. But Nagri farmers, more than 400 Oraon adivasi families, have refused to move away from the farmland they have cultivated since generations. Responding to their defiance, the Jharkhand government has imposed Section 144 IPC in Nagri thrice since July prohibiting farmers from gathering on the farmland, and stationed paramilitary forces in the village. Earlier in January the government bulldozed their winter crop of wheat and potato.

Raju Toppo prepares to carry his paddy harvest home in Nagri village on the outskirts of Ranchi. Photo: Deepu Sebastian Edmond

The government claims it already acquired the land to build an extension and a seed farm for Birsa Agricultural University in 1957-58. But Nagri’s farmers led by adivasi activist and journalist Dayamani Barla contest this citing documents obtained by Ms. Barla through Right to Information applications that show that of the 153 families to whom the Government had offered compensation in 1957, only 25 had taken it. The rest had refused. Nagri’s farmers possess proof of having paid taxes on this farmland till 2007 and even 2011. Why not the government not set up campuses on non-agricultural land instead, they ask. Further, they question if it is legal for the government to have acquired the land under clause 17(4) of the Land Acquisition Act meant for situations of urgent public requirement and not putting it to any use for 55 years.

With the state government floundering in providing a solution either to the farmers or to the institutions like NUSRL and IIM which are operating from ad-hoc campuses at present, the Jharkhand High Court has been goading the state government into action to secure the three colleges’ campuses in this tribal village on the outskirts of Ranchi.

In April, Nagri farmers began a 150-day peaceful protest on their farms. On April 30, favouring a PIL filed by the Bar Association of Ranchi the HC ordered the government to “to secure the construction of the buildings of the educational institutions within 48 hours.” Three farmers – Mundri Oraon, Dashmi Kirketta, and Poko Tirke – died of heatstroke while sitting on protest in the fields in the blistering May sun. When the HC dismissed Nagri farmers’ application to review government’s 1957 land acquisition claim, they approached the Supreme Court. But SC declined to hear their special leave petition saying that in this matter of land acquisition of 1956-57, it was not inclined to interfere in the HC’s orders.

Six students of the legal aid clinic of NUSRL have since become intervener petitioner in the case. They have submitted research showing that Nagri village has poor quality soil that does not yield more than “1.98 grams rice per person per day” thus disputing farmers’ claim that agricultural was their primary sustenance. Lauding NUSRL students’ “valuable data” and citing that NUSRL had already paid Rs 75 lakhs in rent, the HC on September 11 ordered the state government to “clear the construction in the administrative side within two weeks.”
“There is no such unit as “gram per person per day” for measuring soil fertility. Only 15 percent of land in Jharkhand supports more than one crop and Nagri village is one such area. Because it lies by Jumar river, farmers grow hybrid paddy, wheat, gram, and even vegetables,” said a senior scientist in the Agricultural Extension department of Birsa Agricultural University declining to be named.

RAF policemen keep watch over adivasi farmers harvesting paddy crop in Nagri village near Ranchi. Jharkhand government has imposed IPC Sec 144 (Unlawful Assembly) in this village thrice since July. Photo: Deepu Sebastian Edmond

Two weeks later, on September 26 , the Chief Judicial Magistrate (CJM)’s court in Ranchi issued a property warrant against the movement’s leader Ms. Dayamani Barla for leading a demonstration for MNREGA cards in 2006 at the block officer’s office in Angada, Ranchi. She surrendered at the CJM court on October 16 and got bail two days later. But before she could leave the prison, she was charged in a second case – for ploughing the plot of land in Nagri where NUSRL and IIM had already constructed boundary walls costing Rs 2.25 crores and Rs 1.7 crores respectively. “A group of 100-150 farmers from Nagri led by Dayamani Barla entered the plot where NUSRL and IIM had constructed boundary walls and cultivated the land. We told them not to but it had no effect on them,” reads the August 15 FIR. The FIR does not mention any use of force by villagers or by Ms. Barla but a case has been registered against her under IPC Sec 353 – assault or criminal force to deter public servant from discharge of duty – a non-bailable offence. While CJM court had rejected Ms. Barla’s application three weeks back, on November 24 the district court rejected it too.

On Wednesday, as Nagri’s adivasi women reaped a defiant harvest, the area’s district magistrate stationed at the site and RAF constables wielding INSAS rifles and teargas boxes looked on expressing their sympathy and helplessness. “The government has no concern for either us, or them. Dew soaks through our tents every morning, the women constables have no access to toilets,” said a RAF constable. “It is these farmers’ labour and their money invested in this land. If these students can go abroad to study, why can they not travel a few kms further away for their building?” said another.

Staff at IIM Ranchi which has been allotted 72 acres at Nagri say they prefer to consider an alternate location. “Farmers are the backbone of our economy, we cannot disregard them. There seems to be a lot of confusion over who is the owner of this land. We are considering an alternate plot of land in Namkum,” said Director IIM Ranchi Prof MJ Xavier. NUSRL has been allotted 63.76 acres at Nagri. “At present we have five classrooms and two rooms for other work at our rented campus at BIT Mesra. For the 2013 batch, we will have no classrooms. We are merely following government orders on this issue” said NUSRL’s Dean A K Gupta, refusing to comment on the soil fertility data submitted by NUSRL students to the court.

At Nagri, each instance of the situation having reached a boil in the last two years seems to have only intensified the farmers’ agitation. “We will reap this harvest and plough the land again to sow gram and mustard. If the government tries to stop us, they should prepare for our response too,” said Vikas Toppo (35) who has emerged as the one of the main leaders in the Nagri Bachao Samiti. “There are five-six families who are willing to act like dalals (middlemen) of the government or even the real estate companies but the village does not support them,” says Toppo against whom the police has registered three cases in the course of the agitation. Toppo says he studied zoology for two years in Ranchi University but graduated in arts. He recalls he spent some months in Delhi preparing for the civil services exam. “Ten years back when I was visiting my village, I got involved in a case my neighbour was fighting against a real estate company trying to build a pathway through his land,” he recalls. He did not go back to studying after that.

This report appeared today in The Hindu. All photos are by Deepu Sebastian Edmond, my friend and Jharkhand correspondent for The Indian Express.

Sterile ban

Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) living in Chattisgarh, India, struggle to provide for their families and are forced to lie about their identity to overcome the sterilisation restriction owing to a three decade old order of the Madhya Pradesh government that restricted PTGs from being targeted during the sterilisation drives of the time.

Sarguja: A three decade-old Madhya Pradesh government order has several adivasi families in Chattisgarh in a quandary. They struggle to provide for themselves but are turned away by government officials if they try to restrict their family size.

“I do not want more children but the ‘mitanin’ (village health worker) says she cannot take me or anyone from my community to the clinic for an operation,” says Phool Sundari Pahari Korva from Jhamjhor village, located in the forests of Sarguja district in north Chhattisgarh. She has five children – her oldest is 18 and the youngest, a daughter, is six months. All of Sundari’s four younger children have frail limbs and bellies swollen by malnutrition; the skin on her younger son’s chest has peeled off due to an infection.

The reason that Phool Sundari, a Pahari Korva adivasi, was denied sterilisation at a local government clinic: A 1970s order of the Madhya Pradesh (MP) government that restricted Pahari, or Hill, Korvas and four other Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) living in Chattisgarh from being targeted during the sterilisation drives of the time.

The original intent was to protect the PTGs, a term recently amended to Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups, from ‘extinction’. The PTGs were adivasi groups dependent on pre-agricultural technologies that had stagnant or declining populations. But 30 years on, the Chhattisgarh government has continued to enforce this anachronistic order adding to the economic burden of these families.

Sabutri Bai, Sundari’s neighbour, recounts that she got sterilisation done after giving birth to her sixth child three years back but was surprised at what followed. “When the staff at the Lakhanpur clinic found out I am a Pahari Korva, they were going to dismiss the nurse who allowed me to get operated,” she says. “It makes no sense. We have 1.5 acres land. How do they expect us to provide for more and more children?” asks her husband, Phool Chand Ram, who used to work under the rural employment guarantee act, MNREGA, two years back but gave it up when he got wages only a year later. Their eight-member family survives by selling firewood, earning Rs 100 (US$1=Rs 55) for every two-day trip they make into the depleting forest.

Over 50 kilometres away, in the villages of Batauli block, the situation is similar. Pahari Korvas struggle to provide for their families and are forced to lie about their identity to overcome the sterilisation restriction. “I stopped producing nursing milk after I gave birth to my fourth child. I could only give my babies rice-water. When I wanted to get the operation done, the malaria link worker (a government health worker) said I should give my caste as Majhwar or else the Shantipada hospital would not do it,” says Mangli Bai Korva of Govindpur village.

The original order, passed on December 13, 1979, identifies PTGs, including Pahari Korvas, Baigas, Abujhmaria, Birhor and Kamar tribes, in 26 blocks in MP to be excluded from sterilisation but allows them access to contraceptives. “You have been given district-wise targets for sterilisation. An exception should be made for tribal communities whose population is stagnant or decreasing… they should have access to other contraceptives if they require. …Everyone except these communities will be encouraged to get sterilised…,” reads the two-page order.

Adivasi families in Sarguja, however, say they have never heard of temporary or permanent contraceptive methods such as birth control pills, condoms, or the copper-T, an intrauterine device. Further, while the order permits PTG families to go in for sterilisations after procuring a certificate from the Block Development Officer, neither health workers nor tribals are aware of this provision and most have no direct access to block officials.

A discussion among Pahari Korvas in Batauli, on whether or not the government should allow the operation, generated diverse reactions. While the youngsters burst into giggles, Shri Ram Korva, who has six children, wonders loudly with faultless logic, “If the thought is to preserve our population, then that is good. But if we are forced to say we are Majhwar or Oraon at the clinic, won’t we stop being Korvas anyway?” Jhoolmati Korva, a village elder, has the final word, “If the couple wants it, they should be able to get the operation even after giving their correct name.”

Sarguja has over 4,500 Pahari Korva families. Since 1996, they have been the focus of several development schemes, which promote agriculture, animal husbandry and horticulture, executed through the Pahari Korva Development Agency. But despite good intentions and adequate resources – last year, the agency had a budget of Rs 3.72 crore – district officials admit not much has changed. “Schemes do not get implemented properly because there is little coordination among various departments. We are now trying to involve the Pahari Korva Mahapanchayat in planning the use of funds,” says R. Prasanna, the District Collector. “Maybe if the Mahapanchayat made a collective appeal, the government will reconsider the sterilisation order,” he adds.

In the three decades since the order has been in force, the PTG population has increased but their access to health and nutrition has stayed as uncertain as ever and it is this fact that is central to the debate over the restriction. National Family Health Survey-3 data shows that compared to the national average of 46 per cent of underweight children, 70 per cent children born in PTG families are underweight. Malaria and diarrhoea epidemics are frequent every monsoon. In the instance of Pahari Korvas, the Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) is 166 deaths per 1000 live births, more than double the national average, says a 2007 study by researcher Sandeep Sharma. The study also records the crude death rate as well as birth rate among these adivasis – more children are born, but many more die.

So, is the government hiding dismal malnutrition and high mortality numbers with a sterilisation ban? “Independent surveys show the government undercounts the level of malnutrition. For three years between 2007 and 2010 the state reported zero deaths from malaria and diarrhoea to the central Ministry for Health and Family Welfare,” says Sulakshana Nandi, a public health activist based in Raipur. “Block and district clinics in Raipur and Mahasamund were out of stock of contraceptives when we visited this January. PTGs are in a bind because they neither get adequate nutrition nor access to contraceptives,” she adds.

The ban has been a matter of public debate in the state since an investigation by journalists in Kawardha district last year traced how dalals (middlemen) from MP were luring Baiga tribals across the border for sterilisation for Rs 1,000, ironically as part of MP government’s continued sterilisation drives. Since then PTG communities such as Kamars in Gariaband district and the Baigas in Kawardha have organised public meetings demanding that the government remove the ban and focus instead on improving access to public services. “Baigas want to restrict their family size for their well-being, not because of Rs 200-300 that we could earn as incentive for sterilisation in clinics in MP,” asserted Bhaigla Singh Baiga, a community leader while addressing the Baiga Mahapanchayat meeting in Taregaon in May 2012.

Government officials have taken notice of these demands. “I agree that the demographic situation has changed and that informed choice should be available to everyone. It is, however, incorrect to blame high mortality on the failure of state services; ‘anganwadis’ can provide only supplementary nutrition, substantive nutrition has to come from the household,” says Kamalpreet Singh Dhillon, Director-Health Services in Raipur.

But nutritious food continues to be elusive for the Pahari Korvas living deep inside the Mainpat and Khirkhiri hills who wait for both their right to food and their freedom to decide family size.

(This story was first published by Women’s Feature Service on September 17, 2012.)

******

Following the publication of this report, Planning Commission sent a directive to the Chhattisgarh government to issue clarifications to ensure that PTGs may not be denied sterilisation facilities. A follow-up report published by Alok Gupta in Down to Earth with data on PTGs population in Chhattisgarh on November 8 here.

http://www.downtoearth.org.in/content/chhattisgarh-tribals-get-sterilisation-facilities-after-30-years

Naroda Patiya: A partial sense of closure

Vatva lies 18 kilometres from Ahmedabad, on the eastern banks of the Sabarmati where a majority of the city’s Muslim neighbourhoods are. Naimuddin Mohammed Yunus Ansari’s family moved to this polluted industrial settlement last year from Khanpur, the fourth time they have moved house in 10 years. He says they did not return to Naroda Patiya for years because they have found it difficult to put the violence of the 2002 riots out of their minds and go back.

“The mob killed my mother Abida Bibi. They flung my seven-year old niece Gulnaz Bano into the fire. She died. My sister Saeeda died of burns at the hospital the next day. I was attacked by swords and lost my 11-month-old daughter while trying to flee. I found her at the Shah Alam camp two months later,” says Naimuddin. His wife Naseem*(name changed) was gang raped by four men; her left arm chopped off with a sword, he adds.

Naimuddin had been married to Naseem for two years in 2002. Since the attack she has hardly spoken to anyone. She stays indoors because though the doctors at V.S. Hospital managed to reattach her arm back that night, it did not heal fully. She is unable to lift this arm and has burn scars on her back. In 2008, when the Supreme Court-appointed Special Investigation Team (SIT) started collecting evidence in the Naroda Patiya case, Naimuddin made two trips to Gandhinagar and registered a complaint on Naseem’s behalf. But Naseem stayed home. It was only in 2010, when special court judge Jyotsna Yagnik started hearing witnesses’ testimonies that Naimuddin persuaded Naseem to give hers, the only woman to survive gang rape among the hundreds of victims of brutal sexual violence at Naroda Patiya. Last week, the special court convicted 32 people including a former BJP Minister in the Narendra Modi cabinet for their involvement in the Naroda Patiya violence and handed down stiff sentences.

“Jyotsnaben listened so attentively to us, we salute her a hundred times. If the defence lawyers stared at us or tried to intimidate us, she would tell them off. The only thing I do not understand is why were police officers like K.K. Mysorewala and his seniors let off,” says Naimuddin who made a living selling bread and biscuits in Naroda Patiya but has been unable to restart his business since. He works as a daily wage labourer now. “Naseem had always worn a burkha, she could not recognise her rapists. But I recognise those who attacked my family, many of them lived in Gangotri building nearby. I told Naroda police at the Shah Alam relief camp that I recognise the attackers. Many of them used to buy bread from me. I kept saying if you take me to the Gangotri, Gopinath buildings, I can point to their houses but the police did not write my complaint,” says Naimuddin.

‘Avoided investigation’

In her 1969-page order, Justice Yagnik comments that K.K. Mysorewala who was the senior police officer of Naroda police station at the time, and first Investigating Officer, “did not take even elementary and routine steps,” and “avoided investigation.” She notes that the Naroda police did not arrest even one person at the site of violence, did not collect samples from the deceased, did not take statements of victims in the hospital, and did not carry out a test identification parade for the accused. She castigates second Investigating Officer P.N. Barot, and S.S. Chudasama responsible for the investigation between March 8 and April 30, for causing delays by taking statements from Hindu residents even though the majority of the victims were Muslims. Yagnik notes how police had taken down statements in a “self-styled manner” — in one instance a statement was recorded in the name of Shoaib, a 20-day-old infant who had acid thrown on him in the riots, and made out to be that of a 20-year old man.

The order notes that when Siddique Alabax Mansuri, an eyewitness, said he had seen Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLA Mayaben Kodnani in the mob, the police refused to note down his complaint. The order, however, does not implead Mysorewala and other officers whom the victims wanted arraigned as accused noting that “in cases of neglect or inefficiency one cannot be labelled to have malice or any criminality.”

Imran Akhtar Sheikh was 16 years old when he lost 19 of his relatives in the riots. Now a 26-year-old electrician, he describes the verdict as “fifty per cent justice”; the rest will come when the administration and the highest executives are punished, he says.

“We ran towards the Special Reserve Police gate at the southern edge of the colony and pleaded to the guards that they take us inside but they did not. The police was carrying out a lathicharge in our direction. In desperation people tried to climb the five-high compound wall topped with glass shards and jumped inside,” he recounts.

Is no police officer responsible or accountable in an incident where 97 persons were killed, several women raped, hundreds of people injured, houses and shops burnt and destroyed?

Read the full report here in The Hindu. My previous reports in Tehelka magazine on legal justice in Gujarat here, on Modi’s Sadbhavana fast, and on the Godhra verdict. A previous long-ish report on corruption and the political economy of Gujarat here.