The young rebels of Jhumra hills

Babita Mahto, who has been with this Local Guerrilla Squad of CPI (Maoist) a year, said that joining the party gave her a sense of purpose and immortality.

“So many women in the Mahto community kill themselves due to the stress from dowry, tilak [social ceremonies]. If I die at home, my parents will mourn for some months; we had a daughter who died, they will say. But here, there are so many of us who will remember — there was such and such didi [older sister], our comrade; she died for the people.”

An article based on this and other interviews with Maoist rebels in this area appeared in The Hindu.

Another interview with the Maoist cadre in Singhbhum during parliament elections was published here.

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Justice delayed, justice denied

40 days later, courts vacant, post offices still shut in Kashmir.

As the government unilaterally removed Jammu and Kashmir’s special constitutional status on August 5, among the first people it arrested was the High Court Bar Association of Kashmir president Mian Abdul Qayoom who is now being held in a prison in Agra in Uttar Pradesh, and the bar association’s former president advocate Nazir Runga.

Srinagar bench of High Court building was deserted on Sep 11 Wednesday at 3 pm
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High Court Bar Association protest strike notice against arrests of bar association presidents in Srinagar and in Anantnag and Baramulla districts
In Srinagar, the 1050-member high court bar association has issued multiple notices of a strike to oppose their colleagues’ arrests, while designating seven lawyers to petition the court with liberty or habeas corpus requests to help the families of the thousands who have been detained.
Security forces have erected a defensive military fortification at one edge outside the court walls and bulletproof vehicles keep watch near the entrance. Long concertina wires has been laid even on the road around its corners, preventing anyone from accessing even the sidewalk around the court premises. On Wednesday as well as Thursday last week, the ground floor of high court building wore a deserted look and its corridors were empty even in the middle of the afternoon.

The functioning of the court is also hampered as the post office which usually issue legal notices to the parties in a case are non functional and barely open for an hour a day. On Friday, the General Post Office, the largest post office near Srinagar’s Sher-e-Kashmir park had closed at 3 pm. Similarly, post offices in Shopian main market, in Safapora in Ganderbal and in Pulwama were closed when Scroll.in visited them on September 12, 13, and 14.

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Shopian post office closed at 1 pm on saturday

For more details read news report to be published in Scroll.in.

Working

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Men and women working late, stitching night dresses, in one of several “fabricator” units in a basement in Delhi

Particularly vulnerable Adivasi speak of despair, hunger at tech “disruption” of social schemes

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Parhaiya Adivasi families arrived for a public hearing at Manika, Latehar

Jirua Parhaian and Dhaneshwar Parhaiya sat in front of the large crowd that had gathered to take stock of the effectiveness of public schemes in Jharkhand’s Manika block, under which which their village falls. They belong to the Parhaiya Adivasi community, which is classified as a “particularly vulnerable tribal group”. The elderly couple listened quietly while government officials acknowledged the problems that have prevented Parhaiya Adivasis from availing of government schemes meant for them.

Both were frail and walked with difficulty. But they had traveled to Manika, the block centre, 15 km from their village Uchvabal, to attend the meeting because they faced a dire predicament. “There is not enough food at home,” said Jirua Parhaian. She and her husband went to bed hungry at least a few nights every month. “Our ration card was cut without any explanation three years ago,” she said.

The couple had carried with them their Aadhaar card bearing the 12-digit unique identity number attached to their biometric data that the government wants all Indian residents to have. They submitted the number to a kiosk manned by government staff at the public hearing. “What more do we have to do to get our rations of rice started again?” asked Dhaneshwar Parhaiya.

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Jirua Parhaian and her husband Dhaneshwar Parhaiya whose ration cards have been cut off without any explanation, making it harder for them to afford all meals.

The government recognises Adivasis such as the Parhaiya and 70 other communities as particularly vulnerable tribal groups because of their precarious economic condition and dwindling populations.

These communities are also entitled to Antodaya ration cards meant for the “poorest of the poor”, which entitles them to 35 kg of rice at Re 1 per kg every month under the National Food Security Act. But they continue to face dire hunger and malnutrition.

In Jharkhand, which is going through a period of drought, these families are falling through the cracks in the absence of adequate social protection. A survey in November conducted among 324 Parhaiya households living in 15 villages in Latehar district found nearly 43% of the families had missed meals in the last three months because there was no food at home. The survey was carried out by National Rural Employment Guarantee Act Sahayata Kendras and Gram Swaraj Mazdor Sangh activists. The survey also showed that though the government has aggressively pushed Aadhaar as a way of streamlining welfare schemes and improving access to social security by providing everyone with an identity document, ground reality was different.

It found that Aadhaar, in fact, acted as a barrier to accessing social schemes. For instance, the survey found that 42% of Parhaiya families surveyed faced problems due to Aadhaar in the form of data entry errors, network glitches, biometric authentication failures or complications related to their failure to complete Know Your Customer norms for banks far removed from their hamlets.

Left out of social security
Traditionally, Parhaiya Adivasis survived by collecting forest produce such as honey and mahua flowers, roots such as gethia and kanda, and by making bamboo brooms, said Mahavir Parhaiya, an activist in Latehar district, which Manika block is part of. “But the dense forests are now gone,” he said. “The government made forests into plantations, handing them to contractors. Now our people struggle to find the jadi[roots] or saag[vegetables] that we survived on.”

This is one of the reasons why the community is dependent on government support to eat.

At the public hearing, several Adivasi families described corruption in schemes meant for them. Those who had ration cards said they frequently received less grain than they were entitled to despite having Aadhaar, which the government had introduced in the public distribution system in order to end pilferage.

Nearly a dozen Parhaiya women from Uchvabal and Pagar villages said they received only 30 kg or 31 kg of rice every month instead of their 35 kg entitlement. “After the surveyors came to the village, for the first time, yesterday the ration dealer Dinesh Rai gave [me] 35 kg rice,” Sugiya Devi told local officials at the hearing. She said the ration dealer had followed a “tin” system for years. “He fills two tins with ration and says we have got only this much,” she said. The tins were filled with grain and weighed at the meeting, while officials watched. They weighed only 31 kg.

The delivery of rations in tins also violates a system the Jharkhand government has put in place to ensure that families from particularly vulnerable tribal groups got their full entitlements, without any pilferage. Under the dakiya or post system, the ration dealer is required to deliver monthly food rations to such households at their doorsteps in sealed sacks clearly marked for such groups.

Read the full report here.

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Dasiya Kunwar Parhaian said the customer service center kiosk operator meant to connect the residents to government services online demanded a bribe of Rs 2,000 for her pension application.

In December 2017, several Adivasi and Dalit families living in the same district, Latehar, at a public hearing in Manika block had described the problem of how their subsidised food rations had been abruptly stopped. The government in Jharkhand, like in several other states, had in 2017 asked for all ration cards to be linked with Aadhaar and mandated that only card holders whose fingerprints are authenticated online from the Aadhaar database would get subsidised grain.

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Jirmunya Parhaiyan, Sumati Kunwar, Dasiya Kunwar, all Parhaiya PTG Adivasi, from Rankikala and Sedhra who could not access rice rations after Aadhaar linking errors, at the right to food public hearing at Manika in December 2017.

A story from Delhi’s industrial areas

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Workers say they are unsure if this political system works for them, and no governments are directly able to respond to their issues.

At 9 in the morning on Tuesday, instead of starting work at the assembly line, men stood in huddles outside several factories in Delhi’s Okhla industrial area. It was the first day of a two-day general strike called by 10 central trade unions, the largest industrial action planned just months before the Lok Sabha elections.

In the last such action in September 2016, trade unions claimed 15 crore workers had taken part, including in industrial areas in and around the National Capital Region.

But in the newspapers on Tuesday morning in Delhi, there was no news of the strike. Instead, front page headlines focused on the National Democratic Alliance government’s announcement of 10% reservation in educational institutions and state jobs for the economically backward among the upper castes, reversing the principle of affirmative action for Dalits and the historically marginalised.

Santosh Kesri, a migrant from Bihar’s Khagariya district from a low-income rural upper caste family, would be eligible for the 10% reservations, if it became policy. But he was not convinced it would benefit him.

“Just do the math. Of 125 crore, the general castes will be at least ten percent, or 12-15 crore,” he said, standing outside a courier factory closed for the strike. He works as a courier for IT support company in Okhla. “They will be further divided among the professional graduates, simple graduates, and those who did not attend college. The government will open jobs a handful of public jobs, while lakhs will apply. And then, there will be questions of who is well connected, or able to give bribes.”

Kesri’s skepticism is valid: the Indian economy is not generating enough formal jobs. Even the government is hiring workers on short-term contracts rather than as permanent staff.

One of the demands raised in the strike was, in fact, to end of the contractualisation of work. But many doubt the government will act.

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Durga Devi, who has sold biscuits and snacks outside factories in Okhla for more than 20 years, quipped: “When all political parties in government are employing everyone through thekedaari (labour contractual systems), will firms do any different?”

In fact, the strike itself received a tepid response in Okhla. Part of the reason, said union leaders, is the difficulty of mobilising contract workers caught in insecure jobs with long hours.

Neither reservations nor agitations seem to offer such workers any new possibilities.

Low wages and temporary work

India’s Gross Domestic Product has grown by 6%-7% in recent years but this has not created enough secure and remunerative employment.

The State of Working India report, an analysis of labour market trends by Centre for Sustainable Employment led by economist Amit Basole at Azim Premji University, Bengaluru, shows that even a 10% increase in GDP now results in less than 1% increase in employment, and estimates the rate of open unemployment at a high 5%.

Even in manufacturing sectors like plastics and leather which generated more employment in last 10 years than before, the rise was in the form of short contracts and temporary jobs that paid lower than regular factory jobs.

Most households work in the unorganised sector and face a low earnings problem. In 2015, 92% women and 82% men earned less than Rs 10,000 a month, far lower than monthly salary recommended by the Seventh Central Pay Commission of Rs 18,000 as a living wage.

Even in organised manufacturing, an analysis by economists CP Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh shows, despite increased profits, workers’ wages accounted for only 10%-11% of value added in 2012, one of the lowest shares anywhere in the world.

“No government is with us”

In Delhi, the Aam Admi Party government had cited this failure of the “trickle down theory” when it had announced a 46% hike in wages in 2016, the only state in the country to announce such a significant wage hike.

After industry associations contested this with prolonged litigation, the Supreme Court on November 1 last year restored the government’s 2017 notification on the increased minimum wages.

Despite the AAP government’s move to correct for stagnant wages, without enforcement, the measure had failed to draw the workers to the government’s side.

Faridabad Majdoor Samachar, a workers’ broadsheet published from the National Capital Region, in its January edition listed industrial firms in Okhla Industrial Estate where workers had successfully negotiated increased wages after the court order. The list was short: only five firms. In 14 others, workers were in advanced stages of negotiations.

But workers said most of the 4,000 factories in Okhla producing plastics, leather, engineering equipment, had not paid the new notified wages even after the Supreme Court order. As per the government notification, an unskilled labour was to get a wage of Rs 14,052, up from Rs 9,568. For semi-skilled labourers, it was revised from Rs 10,582 to Rs 15,471, while skilled workers were to get Rs 16,962, instead of the earlier Rs 11,622.

Arun Singh, a middle aged worker, said he had worked at the same printing press for 11 years hired through a labour contractor who paid Rs 220 a day. He worked all days of the month, without a weekly off. At Rs 6,600 a month, this did not come to even half the minimum wage the AAP government had notified.

Women workers in garment units worked similar long hours for even lower rates at Rs 180 to 200 a day.

The workers saw the wage hike as a partial measure. “Ultimately, the government machinery is not with workers,” said Singh, the printing press worker.

“The department did organize a few raids, but what was the point when they announced in newspapers that they were about to do so? They ought to have conducted surprise raids,” Manu, a young garment worker, derided the AAP government’s public announcement of a 10-day drive of raids which it named “Operation Minimum Wage.”

Mrigank, the vice president of the Delhi unit of the Indian Federation of Trade Unions, also criticised it as a half-hearted measure as it was not accompanied by enforcement.

“There are 74 posts for labour inspectors in Delhi, but only 11 are appointed,” he said. “The government had not even implemented the previous wage grade, when it announced the hike and then failed to get firms to comply.”

“Saare ekta rahe, tab kuch baat banei. Something will be done, only if workers unite,” said Suresh Kahar, a migrant who has worked as a tailor for part of the year in Okhla and rest of the year on a small farm in Jaunpur in Uttar Pradesh since ten years.

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Weakening organisation

While workers were skeptical of the adequacy of government measures, trade unions and traditional workers’ organizations had not made much headway in representing working class interests.

One of the key demands of the 12-point demands laid down by the central trade unions that are affiliated to political parties was that the government take back its proposed amendments to labour laws.

“The government is presenting this move as if it was codifying labour laws from 44 laws to four or five labour codes, but it is systematically undermining working class interests by removing protective measures,” said Tapan Sen, general secretary of Centre of Indian Trade Unions.

Sudhir Katiyar heads the Prayas Centre for Labour and Action that works among brick kiln and construction workers and had organised a protest in Ahmedabad of construction workers, one of the largest economic sectors that employs 10 percent of workers. He said it was difficult to organise workers around such demands.

“Majority of workers are completely out of the purview of these labour laws and codes, and the norms do not apply to them,” said Katiyar. “If we say, these laws are being changed and new norms are coming in, it has no effect on most segments of workers who are working on extremely short temporary work contracts, or without contracts since decades.”

“It is harder to respond to the needs of unorganised sector workers,” added Katiyar.

Mrigank of the Indian Federation of Trade Unions said that on the first day of the strike, 40% units had remained open for production in Okhla. “The temporary nature of jobs, long hours, and workers going from one factory to another in search of contractual work make it difficult to have a regular base of members for the union,” he said.

This story appeared in Scroll.in on the day of a national strike called by trade unions.

Radha Devi: Managing maladies in Bhuiantola

A path winding through paddy fields led to Bhuiantola, a hamlet where Bhuian Dalit families lived, on the outskirts of Tarwadih village in Jharkhand’s Latehar district.

That month, eight individuals in Tarwadih were on treatment for tuberculosis(TB), a serious bacterial infection that most commonly affects the lungs. Four of them lived in Bhuiantola.

The previous night, Radha Devi, the village sahiya or frontline health worker, an Accredited Social Health Activist(ASHA) had finished helping a woman delivery a baby in the hamlet. Now, walking down the paved path, she called out to Ramavtar Ram who was working in the fields. “Nine number” medicine is over for you. You will be on “CP” from now on,” she told Ram, a farmer in his 50s who was afflicted with TB, and had grown leaner from the infection.

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Devi did not train as a doctor or a nurse, and studied till only class IV. As one of over 1,325 health activist appointed under the National Health Mission’s community health programme in Latehar, she had supervised Ram’s TB treatment and infection control for the last six months. “I am not fully literate, but I can recognize the medicines as a number or an alphabet in the drug’s name,” said Devi, explaining how she had memorized the long, complicated names in english, an unfamiliar language, of 13 drugs used in TB treatment.

TB is fully curable by antibiotics taken for six months. Yet, India accounts for a quarter of new cases of TB infection, and a fifth of TB deaths worldwide. In Jharkhand, nearly 40 people die of TB every day.The government recognizes those living in remote tribal districts who get poor nutrition and face difficulty in accessing treatment as a priority group for reducing TB transmission.

Crucial infrastructure is absent in Jharkhand’s Adivasi villages. Dr Rajabau Yole a World Health Organization TB consultant in Jharkhand said that though every community health center was supposed to have a X-ray machine for radiological examinations and a courier system to transport sputum samples that needed to be tested for TB, this was missing in most districts.

There is also a major shortfall of doctors. Dr Raksh Dayal, Jharkhand’s state TB officer, said that the state had only 2,200 of the 3,400 doctors and about half of other contractual health staff it needed, and this affected the TB treatment programme. In Latehar, where Tarwadih lies, for instance, in the district TB hospital, 13 of 23 posts were vacant, including the post of a medical officer for TB, which had not been filled since five years.

In such a situation, health workers like Radha Devi filled a vital gap.
Latehar, where Bhuiantola lies, is one of the poorest Adivasi regions in Jharkhand. The families here are especially vulnerable also because they migrate to work in brick kilns in Varanasi in UP, and Aurangabad in Bihar when the paddy produce is exhausted in a few months. Working in kilns, they are exposed to smoke which damages the lungs, and reduces immunity to infections such as TB.

Sahiya Radha Devi counseling women in Tarwadih in Latehar (1)
“Many migrant workers hide it if they develop TB, and often they take medicines for only 3 to 4 months and do not complete the treatment,” said Ramesh Chaubey, Latehar’s district welfare officer.

Radha Devi, who was chosen as the sahiya in 2007 by the village’s residents while she was in her late 40s, had worked in brick kilns most of her life. The labour contractors offered sums of Rs 10,000-12,000 as “advances”, she said, and this was a big draw, but later did not pay regular wages. “At the kiln sites, away from towns, there are no health facilities,” said Devi. “Many workers develop alcoholism at the kilns. Some do not like the taste of the medicines, and some worry about adverse side effects. All these are the reasons why they do not complete treatment.”

Of the eight TB patients in Tarwadih, whom Devi was administering treatment to, Bartu Oraon, an Oraon Adivasi, was undergoing treatment for a relapsed infection. Mohan Bhuian, a brick kiln worker, had developed Multi Drug Resistant(MDR) TB, a more deadly form of TB infection, that develops if a patient gets incomplete or inadequate treatment. In MDR-TB, two of the most powerful TB drugs stop working. Those with MDR-TB can transmit this deadlier form infection to others in close contact through air droplets in the same way as regular TB. MDR-TB is treated with highly toxic drugs over a protracted two years period.

Devi said to control the spread of infection, she had been trained by the staff at the TB hospital in Latehar to ask ask patients to spit in a pan and cover it with ash. “I ask them to take precautions, to use ash to cover their spit, or cough only into a gamcha and boil it in water to prevent further infection,” said Devi. “If they don’t like the aftertaste of the drugs, I even buy them small packets of namkeen with the drug,” she said, showing a small packet of snacks she had carried for a patient. She had also been counseling Neetu Devi, a young farm workers, who had recently delivered a boy, that while she had TB she had to cover her mouth while breastfeeding to prevent the infection from spreading to her baby.

Seeta Bhuian, whose husband Mohan Bhuian had the most serious infection in the village with MDR-TB, said Mohan had taking TB drugs irregularly for five years while migrating to work at the kilns and over time, he had got so sick that he could no longer stand. After he was diagnosed with MDR-TB last year, Bhuian had to take 13 medicines and an injection daily for six months and since the last three months, he had been on seven drugs daily.

“The sahiya came home to give him the medicines daily,” said Seeta Bhuian, Mohan’s wife. She added that Radha Devi had also traveled with Bhuian twice to Itki, 110 kilometers away. This is where the government ran a TB sanatorium, an indoor facility where Bhuian had been diagnosed with MDR-TB.

After nine months of treatment, Bhuian had recovered enough strength to walk, and had taken the cattle grazing that afternoon. But his family was anxious and concerned because one of the medicines, Kanamycin, had had a severe adverse effect on him making him lose his hearing four months into the treatment.

Radha Devi with Mohan Bhuian who is on treatment for Multi drug resistant TB in Tarwadih in Latehar (1)
Radha Devi had traveled with Bhuian to Itki while he was in the most infectious state, accompanied by his younger relatives. “At the sanatorium, the doctor told us the medicines were so toxic that they could make Mohan depressed, paralyzed, or deaf,” she said. “Sadly, I have seen Mohan go through all of these stages this year.”

After getting Mohan Bhuian admitted, Radha Devi had traveled over a 100 kilometers from her village to Itki a second time to act as his counselor when he started developing side effects. “Mohan called me on the phone and said he felt he was going to go mad,” she said. “I was scared I may get lost while traveling alone from our village, but somehow I managed to get to the city. I felt like he was my son and was worried.” For her travel costs, Mohan Bhuian had later reimbursed her Rs 400, after the government hospital staff did not pay her anything for the trip.

As a sahiya or ASHA worker, Devi is supposed to get Rs 100 as “incentive” for each TB case that she reported, but she said she had not received any payments till now.

Devi added that she had heard that the government had promised to double the honorarium of ASHA workers and other ground health and nutrition staff this year. “I have heard ASHA will get paid high amounts of honorarium totaling Rs 3,500-5,000 a month for the work we do,” said Devi. But in the past 16 months, there had been delays in sanctioning sahiya payments, said Suranjeen Pallipamula, a health activist in Ranchi.

“For more than a year now, I have not got paid anything,” said Devi.

An edited version of the story in The Hindu Sunday Magazine here.

All photographs by Manob Chowdhury.

Reporting series on tuberculosis among workers

Choti Gujjar a farmer had discontinued TB treatment and this has caused her to get multi drug resistant TB She was at the Ajmer TB hospital with her son a mine worker

India has an enormous tuberculosis crisis, but the government still does not have an accurate estimate even of how many Indians suffer from the disease. A million cases are still not notified every year, and people remain undiagnosed, or inadequately diagnosed and struggle for accessing full treatment. While TB can be cured by a drug regimen of six months, the emergence and increase in antibiotics resistant TB is a concern.
These stories trace the effects of economic and health policies in on workers with TB and their experiences with drug resistant TB:

Stone-crushing workers in Ajmer suffer as the government’s ‘active case finding’ drive in the district is poorly managed and block levels hospitals lack basic infrastructure.

The government recognises miners as being occupationally vulnerable to TB. For thousands of miners in Rajasthan, however, an epidemic of silicosis is making that diagnosis even more difficult.

Chotu Ram Bhil a Adivasi migrant miner from Rajsamand was worried he was not better even after finishing TB drugs the previous year

Anti-biotics resistance is growing, and the poorest patients find it difficult to access care and counseling. Diagnosed with multi drug resistant-TB, a tailor in Beawar, Rajasthan narrates how he went through a painful medication regime without counselling support only to have his health worsen and dropped out of treatment despite knowing the risks.

Officials coerce in name of “community-led sanitation”

The rush to show that the Swachh Bharat deadlines have been met has left the most vulnerable low income Dalit households out. Officials have deployed various coercive measures in name of “community-led sanitation.

The panchayat officials in Rajasthan told farmers that if they did not have a red stamp saying “open-defecation free family” on ration cards, they would cut off the ration grains from the government. Those who still did not build by then were marked as households that lacked space to build latrines. This way, the target got reduced and local officials showed compliance.

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Many families that have built latrines don’t use them but government surveys do not reflect any of this. In places where open defecation has not ended, the ministry is relying on statistical tools to show it has.

Full report in HuffPost India here.